Recovering Narrative Density in Greeting Spring

One of the most celebrated works of Mianzhu nianhua is a set of four horizontal

scroll paintings titled Greeting Spring 􁂒􀔽􀹭__________, currently housed in the Mianzhu Cultural

Relics Bureau. The scrolls were painted by Huang Ruigu 􀟛􀳋􁭆 (1866-1938), a

professional painter and native of Mianzhu. Huang was commissioned to paint the scroll

set for a Mianzhu-based dye company managed by his family. In contrast to the

ephemeral printed nianhua, Greeting Spring is a finely executed, permanent work painted

by and for local elites. Mianzhu’s Cultural Relics Bureau has played an instrumental role

in publicizing the painting as a work of nianhua, even though it reflects the world of

urban elites. Officials and scholars who have published writings on the painting justify

this move by explaining how the painting falls into the broad category of non-official art

works created in Mianzhu, where the painter would have been involved in the nianhua

industry as a professional urban painter and designer. This ever-broadening use of the

term nianhua, which has been primarily reserved for popular prints, reflects the changing

institutional agendas that seek to promote a wide range of local works under the rubric of

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nianhua. In Mianzhu, this particular painting has also been framed as a historically

accurate depiction of a Qing dynasty street parade, a problematic analysis that I will take

up in this section.

Greeting Spring is comprised of four horizontal scrolls that add up to about six

meters in total length (fig. 56). It depicts in great detail a late nineteenth-century street

festival that marks the first day of spring on the traditional farmer’s calendar, known as

lichun 􀧫􀔽, or the “Establishment of Spring.” 262 The Cultural Relics Bureau released

these four images of the different scrolls, but the original was not available for viewing

during my visits so I could not verify firsthand whether the images are complete

representations of the work. The published images show four distinct scenes from the

festival. The first scene shows the county magistrate leading the procession through the

streets and out the city gates (fig. 56a).

The second scene depicts a troupe of musicians followed by a team of dragon

dancers and theatrical performers dressed as famous immortals (fig. 56b). A third scene

includes an elaborate procession of ritual street theater with costumed performers carried

on raised platforms among a throng of onlookers and peddlers (fig. 56c). The fourth

scene shows the procession reaching a temporary pavilion outside the city walls and the

magistrate leading the rituals there to welcome the Spring Deity. This scene also shows

the magistrate seated before the county bureau 􀚩􀿬, presiding over the final ritual of the

day, when a paper effigy of the Spring Ox is beaten open (fig. 56d). In the discussion

262 The lichun festival has a much longer and complex history than the Qing dynasty’s mandated lichun

rituals. As the first of the 24 solar terms 􁾳􂃊 that divide the traditional Chinese calendar, lichun can be

traced to ancient rites marking the arrival of spring. For a historical survey of lichun practices and festivals,

see Li Lulu 􀧙􀩝􀩝, Zhongguo jie 􁇏􀝓􀢫 [Chinese festivals] (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2005), 34-

39; and Goran Aijmer, New Year Celebrations in Central China in Late Imperial Times (Hong Kong:

Chinese University Press, 2003).

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that follows, I will examine these scenes in greater detail to argue that the paintings

contain multiple viewing and narrating possibilities. In particular, I will point to the many

narrative cues and rebus images that activate auspicious words, phrases, and stories.

Ning Zhiqi, who is a widely published historian and director of Mianzhu’s

Cultural Relics Bureau, has argued that the painting is organized into three narrative

frames that sequentially depict the main ritual activities of the historic lichun festival. In

particular, Ning emphasizes the thrice-repeating figure of the county magistrate and his

entourage. In his first appearance, the magistrate is carried on a sedan chair as he leads

the procession out of the town walls to the “spring field” 􀔽􀓆 (fig. 57). In his second

appearance, the magistrate arrives at the spring field, where a temporary outdoor altar is

set up under a pavilion to house the Spring Deity 􀔽􀴪 and the Spring Ox 􀔽􀭤, who are

represented by sculpted effigies made of bamboo strips and colored paper. In this scene,

the magistrate and his official entourage are preparing to make sacrificial offerings to the

deities in a ritual activity known as “Welcoming Spring” 􁂒􀔽 (fig. 58). Once the

offerings are completed, the spring deities are carried back to town to spread their

auspicious presence throughout the streets for all to see. This ritual street procession is

known as “Touring Spring” 􁂳􀔽 and ends in front of the county bureau, where the deities

are installed in a tent for the evening. All of these activities take place on the eve of the

first day of spring. The magistrate makes his third appearance the next day, on the first

morning of spring to oversee the ritual of “Beating Spring” 􀕵􀔽, the climax and

conclusion of the lichun festivities. He is depicted in front of the county bureau on a

raised seat behind a table (fig. 59). Below the steps of the bureau, the Spring Deity and

Spring Ox are set up facing the magistrate. Qing soldiers beat the ox apart at the very

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hour of spring’s arrival to release small effigies of Spring Oxen, to attract abundance,

fertility, and good farming conditions for the year to come.263 An official messenger

kneels before the magistrate with an unfurled scroll that announces the arrival of spring.

An extraordinary aspect of the painting is the attentive detail given to the acts of

theater in the street procession, where precise details of ritual protocol are brought to the

fore. While Ning suggests that this information was included to create a true-to-life

representation of a historical event, it is likely that this attention to ritual detail enhanced

the auspicious efficacy of the image as well as its symbolic capital. For instance, one can

observe the ritual minutiae represented in the scene where the magistrate prepares to

make sacrificial offerings at the altar set up outside the town walls. In this detail of the

altar, it is possible to identify a wealth of calendricalal information embedded in the

proportions, colors, and costume of the Spring Deity and Spring Ox figures (fig. 60a).

The selection and placement of colors on the two deities are based on an imperial colormatching

scheme that indicates it is the thirtieth year of the Guangxu era (1903). This is

evidenced by the white color on the center of the ox’s head, which represents the first

“celestial stem” 􀸿􀛄 of jia 􀡊, and the yellow color of its body which represents the fifth

“earthly branch” 􀖹􁆦 of chen 􀓢. 264 Every year, the precise size, proportions, and colors

263 It is possible that the “beating spring” ritual is the early origins of the Latin American pinata games. The

origins of the pinata are often associated with Marco Polo’s visit to China in the thirteenth century, when he

observed the beating spring ritual and collected an animal effigy made of paper and ribbon to carry back to

Italy. See http://www.mexonline.com/history-pinatas.htm

264 The traditional Chinese lunisolar calendar is part of a sexagesimal calendricalal system, where each year

is identified by one of the ten celestial stems and one of the twelve earthly branches. There are a total of 60

stem and branch combinations, making for a repeating 60 year cycle. In addition to this, each year is

associated with one of the five elements (water, fire, metal, wood, earth) and one the twelve astrological

animals.

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of the Spring Ox and Spring Deity sculptures are designated by Qing court astrologers to

disseminate key details of the imperial calendar.265

This connection to ritual efficacy becomes even more apparent when the painting

is situated alongside the many “Spring Ox pictures” (chunniu tu 􀔽􀭤􀹭) that were

circulated as inexpensive single sheet woodblock prints. During the late Qing, large

quantities of chunniu tu were distributed across China to communicate key details of the

imperial calendar for each year. These prints were color coded to reflect calendricalal

information and often included a record of the long and short months of the lunar

calendar as well as the dates for the 24 annual festivals. Due to the ephemeral nature of

these prints, I was not able to locate an extant example from Sichuan. In this late Qing

example from Shanxi, however, it is possible to see the correspondences between the

image and the calendricalal information for that year (fig. 60b). The positioning of the

Spring Deity behind the ox indicates the late arrival of spring; meanwhile the one bare

foot on the deity indicates good weather for spring farming. Along with other prints of

domestic deities, these chunniu tu were annually renewed in the home to “attract the

auspicious, repel the portentous” for agricultural activities.266

265 According to Ning’s study, the ox must be four feet tall and eight feet wide to represent the four seasons

and the eight major solar terms. The Spring Deity must be 3 ft and 6.5 in. tall to indicate the 365 days of the

year, and he holds a whip that is 2 ft. 4 in. long to represent the twenty-four solar terms. These

measurements do not change from year to year. The colors of the ox and deity do change, however, to

indicate the unique “stem and branch” 􀛄􁆦 of each year as well as the exact time of day for the beginning

of spring. These details were unified by the Qing imperial court and widely distributed through the

mandated lichun rituals as well as the chunniu tu. See Ning Zhiqi 􀭡􁆽􀰅, “Sichuan qingdai chuantong

minsu de zhengui huajuan Mianzhu Yinchuntu" 􀶹􀔫􀱢􀕽􀔮􀹤􀫶􀷌􀖥􁆅􀝌􀟂􀤜􀀍􀁵􀫥􁇰􁂒􀔽􀹭􀁶[Mianzhu’s

Greeting Spring Picture: A Qing dynasty scroll painting and treasure of traditional folk culture in Sichuan],

in Mianzhu Wenshi Ziliao Xuanji 􀫥􁇰􀻓􀵎􁈧􀨘􀿊􀠠 9 [Anthology of Mianzhu's historical studies vol. 9],

ed. Liji Zeng􁄻􀧫􀠎􀀍 (Mianzhu: Sichuan sheng mianzhu xian zhengxie xuexi wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui,

1990), 38-45.

266 For a discussion of “Spring-ox pictures” with illustrated examples, see: Li, Chinese Festivals, 34-39.

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The abundant use of aural or rebus imagery also supports the Greeting Spring’s

status as a ritually efficacious image, especially one that is meant to catalyze auspicious

speech. In the same scene with the spring altar, two robed officials flank the pair of

spring deities on either side (fig. 58). They are each holding up signs that are composed

of the characters “auspiciousness” 􀠝 and “joy” 􀼟. Hanging above the altar table, a set of

spring couplets presents the wish for successful attainment of high official rank and

multiple promotions. Behind the magistrate, who appears under a red parasol, an

attendant holds up a large “spring” 􀔽 character made of flowers and cypress branches.

The magistrate is also greeted by a kneeling figure who unfurls a scroll that reads “Joyful

Announcement of a Bright Spring” 􀼟􀐑􁀝􀔽. The widespread inclusion of auspicious

words and sayings appear to serve as aural cues that call for the vocalization and

narration of auspicious speech.

A close look at the onlookers in this scene shows various individuals engaged in

this exact activity of watching, pointing, and speaking around the altar. The crowd here is

engaged in the ritualized activities of sharing auspicious speech known as “Speaking

Spring” 􀶪􀔽 and “Watching Spring” 􀥁􀔽.267 Although the magistrate’s attendants are

holding up signs that call for quiet and calm, the crowd appears defiantly boisterous with

individuals engaged in conversation, moving about, and even playing instruments.

Several people are depicted with open mouths, wide eyes, and excited gestures. The

contrast between the signs that call for quiet and the busy crowd infuse the scene with a

strong aural dimension. In depicting these ritual activities, the painting appears to prompt

its viewers to do the same.

267 For a more detailed description of these ritual theater activities in Mianzhu see Huang, “Sichuan theater

activities in Mianzhu’s rural villages,” 102-107.

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The provenance of the painting suggests that the work was intended as an

auspicious gift to be given from one elite family to another. Originally commissioned by

a dye company, the painting found its way into a family that ran a medicine shop in

Mianzhu.268 A prominent clue that the painting was intended as a gift for the medicine

shop owners lies in the painting itself, which includes a large shop sign in the foreground

that reads, “Our shop sells genuine chewable medicines of Sichuan and Guangdong. 􀐧􀝼

􀘿􀪛􀔫􀜼􀖡􀖹􁀰􀒋􀤆􀯋” (fig. 61). In addition, the close ties between the medicinal herbs

industry and the nianhua industry have been well documented in local archives.269

Medicinal herb traders often distributed nianhua works and supplies, including paper,

prints, paints and dyes. It is quite likely that this painting was gifted as a form of

symbolic capital to strengthen relations between elite business partners.270 The imagery in

the painting strongly supports such a possibility, where the medicine shop is richly

enveloped in auspicious and prosperous activities of every kind, including harmonious

interactions between the world of merchants, officials, farmers, ritual performers, and

deities.

268 The painter Huang Ruigu was commissioned to paint this, as his family helped run the medicine

company. One of the descendants of the family that ran the medicine company gifted the painting to the

Cultural Affairs Bureau in the 1960s. The provenance of this work is briefly discussed in Ning, “Mianzhu’s

Greeting Spring Picture,” 38.

269 For a record of the historical links between the medicine and print industries in Mianzhu, see Zhang

Minglun 􁅦􀫼􀩾, “Luetan jiushi Mianzhu jige shichang de ‘jingjiren’ huodong" 􀩻􀸋􀣸􀵈􀫥􁇰􀠫􀛱􀵧􀓆􀖥􀣜

􀡀􀲦􀠃􀗮 [A discussion of a few early industries in Mianzhu and the activities of entrepreneurs], in

Mianzhu wenshi ziliao xuanji 􀫥􁇰􀻓􀵎􁈧􀨘􀿊􀠠􀀁􀀙􀀁[Anthology of Mianzhu's Historical Studies vol. 8]

(Mianzhu: Sichuan sheng mianzhu xian zhengxie xuexi wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui, 1989), 152-57; and

Mianzhu Historical Documents Work Committee 􀫥􁇰􁆟􀽸􀻓􀵎􁈧􀨘􀛽􁉔􁉆, “Mianzhu muban nianhua" 􀫥

􁇰􀬡􀏰􀭍􀟂 [Mianzhu's woodblock printed nianhua], in Mianzhu wenshi ziliao xuanji 􀫥􁇰􀻓􀵎􁈧􀨘􀿊􀠠􀀁􀀒

[Anthology of Mianzhu's Historical Studies vol. 1] (Mianzhu: Sichuan sheng mianzhu xian zhengxie xuexi

wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui, 1982), 31-40.

270 This continues to be a common practice in Mianzhu today, where paintings or calligraphic works are

gifted as part of an important business transaction. Auspicious paintings are also commonly gifted for

birthdays, weddings, and anniversaries.

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If the painting is understood as an auspicious gift for a business contact, what is

the role of the scenes of ritual theater? As mentioned earlier, theater troupes played an

integral role in the world of trade relations and politics. Trade guilds such as the door

deity guild regularly hired troupes to perform for banquets and important events such as

the opening of the guild hall, the setting up of the guild’s altar, or honoring the birthday

of the guild’s patron deity. Huang Zonghou has documented the complex social relations

between Mianzhu’s theater troupes, trade guilds, temple authorities, and even

underground brotherhoods such as the Paogehui 􀮜􀛢􀟶.271 Up until 1949, every village

in Mianzhu’s rural vicinity had its own theater troupe that competed for prominence in

the region. Although there are fewer troupes today, theater troupes still conduct annual

ritual performances in front of storefronts to ensure a year of prosperity for the business

during the Lunar New Year. For instance, lion and dragon dancing troupes, such as the

ones depicted in Greeting Spring, are still known to perform for businesses during the

Lunar New Year festivities in exchange for money or gifts. Along with an ensemble of

musicians and firecrackers, the lions frighten off demons and negative influences to

protect the business from harm for the year to come. In this sense, the power of ritual

theater to “pursue the auspicious, repel the portentous” is closely tied to concerns around

livelihood. Its depiction in a painting suggests a similar message, where the painting itself

approximates the role of theater to perform an auspicious wish for a business venture or

partnership.

Taking up far more space than the scenes with the magistrate, scenes of ritual

street theater in Greeting Spring also call up a wide range of narrative possibilities. For

instance, in this scene, six “raised pavilions” 􀷺􀛮 are carried through the crowd, with

271 Huang, “Sichuan theater activities in Mianzhu's rural villages,” 104.

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costumed figures atop each one performing different theatrical tales (fig. 62). Each

pavilion carries one or two performers stacked on top of one another. Vertical and

horizontal beams are hidden inside the costumes, creating an optical illusion of the

stacked performers being held up in the air by a single hand. These performances are

ritually performed during the Lunar New Year to attract the blessings of the deities who

are brought to life by the performers. At the same time, the deities are expected to ward

off demons or malignant spirits. According to Ning Zhiqi, the six scenes are single-act

theater performances from the region that include, from left to right: Beheading of the

Ungrateful Husband - Rushing the Palace 􁅂􀫅􀏃􀄒􀔶􀜅, Qin Xianglian and Chen Shimei

􀱕􀽐􀧴􀠣􀓧􀵗􀫅, The Jade Hairpin - Autumn River 􁃖􁲠􀠺􀄒􀱬􀡾, Entreating the Moon -

Snatching the Umbrella on a Boat 􀏨􁄅􀠺􀄒􀔯􁇚􀰽􀳚, Wang Ruilan and Jiang Shilong 􀺦

􀳋􀦧􀞄􀢀􀵗􀩈, and Journey to the West - the Pilgrim Sun Wukong 􀼆􁂳􀠺 􀄒􀷤􀾛􁆀.272

Each of these acts are packed with narrative potential, including the auspicious

costumes and props that reference a variety of popular beliefs, vernacular stories, and

sayings. This type of theater is locally known as “Racing Deities” 􀳗􀴪 or “Wax

Offerings” 􀦚􀠳, which refers to theater performed in the street (and not on a stage) at the

end of the year, and usually by rural troupes.273 It was annually performed to honor a

272 Ning, “Mianzhu's Greeting Spring Picture,” 42. Where there is a dash in the listed acts, the name of the

drama is followed by the name of the specific scene that is being performed. Several of these acts are from

the same drama, although it was common for single acts to take on a life of their own, to be performed as

one-act dramas or zhezi 􁅼􁈰􀼤.

273 For a detailed study of laji ritual street theater in Sichuan, see Feng Shudan 􀚈􀶎􀖅, Sichuan xiju yishi 􀶹

􀔫􀼤􀤖􁁤􀵎 [A history of Sichuan theater] (Chengdu: Sichuan sheng xijujia xiehui, 1992), 7-24. This format

of street theater is also known as “Illuminated Carnival in Elaborate Costume” 􀛚􁈎􀴠􀠅 and was

traditionally performed by rural theater troupes and musicians. Still performed today, popular acts in rural

areas include “Lion dancing” 􀶘􀴿􁈰 and “Playing Dragon Lanterns” 􀺗􀩃􀖧, which evolved from earlier

acts such as “Welcoming the Cat” 􁂒􀪭 and “Welcoming the Tiger” 􁂒􀞷􀀏 According to Feng, laji street

theater is one of three main historical foundations of Sichuan theater as we know it today and is

distinguished by its highly localized characteristics that evolved in rural areas. The other two foundations

include “song and dance” 􀛣􀻷 and “variety shows” 􀮆􁂪.

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whole pantheon of deities who would ensure a year of abundance, good farming

conditions, and prosperity for the entire community. Those with a firsthand experience of

these street performances, or the longer dramas on which they are based, could draw on

their own memories to narrate the painting in a more intimate fashion.274

In sum, the painting’s detailed depiction of different ritual practices points to

multiple layers of narrativity tied to the development of the lichun festival. Efrat

Biberman has critiqued the basic assumption that “a painting is a coherent, decipherable

object” that can be solved with a single narrative interpretation. For Biberman, narrative

interpretations often attempt to “solve the puzzle of an image” by imposing a spatial and

temporal order onto an image.275 In doing so, the assumption is that painting bears a

coherent structure and temporal order that each viewer is capable of extracting. It is thus

critical to draw a distinction between the fixed narrative interpretations provided by art

historians and the actual viewing experiences tied to a painting. I have therefore opted for

a view of the painting as a work of narrative density, with many different narrative cues

that can be accessed to form a variety of temporal sequences. It is thus possible to think

of Greeting Spring as a densely packed “hypertext” that may accommodate both linear

and nonlinear interpretations, depending on the viewer(s). As seen here, narratives may

be creatively composed around the repeating figure of the magistrate as well as the many

theatrical performances and aural cues.

274 These theater acts are still widely performed in China today, and the characters and stories would be

identifiable to a knowledgeable viewer. Perhaps the most popular of these is Journey to the West, one of the

“four great vernacular novels” 􀶹􀕶􀬀􁇷􀀁of the Ming dynasty that has continued to incarnate in a wide

variety of media, including oral narratives, novels, comics, television, film, and animation.

275 Biberman, “On Narrativity in the Visual Field,” 241.

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