In the other hand, a blessed citron fruit known as a Buddha’s hand 􀚍􀵭. All three figures

are bearing gifts of health and long life, reinforcing the painting’s intended function as a

birthday gift.

Wang incorporates a range of ritually efficacious patterns into the figures’

clothing to bolster the power of the painting to ensure longevity. Wang added these

patterns to Magu’s robe, which is covered with images of fecundity in the form of

flowers, vines, and leaves. Her basket is also transformed into an auspicious object with

the addition of a longevity sign that appears woven into its structure. Similarly, her young

attendant’s robes are covered in flowers. The Shouxing figure is appropriately adorned

with longevity signs on his robe, patterns that are more flatly imposed onto the figure.

These patterns enhance the ritual efficacy of the painting while dressing these well113

known figures in the unique marks of the Wang family workshop. The patterns also bear

strong resemblance to the stamped designs found in many of Mianzhu’s historic door

deity prints, suggesting a process of cross-referencing between printing and painting

techniques.

In examining Wang’s sketches and lineage documents alongside his finished

works, it is possible to see how copying from an existing repertoire of patterns, designs,

and auspicious imagery allows for many variations to emerge in different media. Wang’s

thick stack of sketches is a visual library of efficacious signs that is an efficient way to

create a range of ritual goods imprinted with the distinct marks of one’s workshop. As the

Wang family works permeate public spaces in the form of murals, sculptures, and

architectural designs, their designs become readily recognizable in the community. It is

no wonder that the copying is considered an auspicious act in itself, as it serves a very

practical function of distributing a distinct lineage identity while attracting recognition

and prosperity to the family workshop.196

Historically, Mianzhu’s nianhua worshops have much at stake in developing

unique lineage identities and recognizable repertoires of printed works. According to the

archived records of the early twentieth-century print trade, door deity guilds fiercely

guarded their trade secrets and production methods.197 They were aware of regional

competitors and sought to brand their products with certain visible characteristics in order

196 The use of preparatory sketches, drawings, and copying methods in painting workshops has a long

history in China. For a more detailed study on this topic, see Sarah Fraser’s study of the ninth and tenth

century preparatory sketches found in the Dunhuang caves: Sarah Fraser, Performing the Visual: The

Practice of Buddhist Wall Painting in China and Central Asia, 618-960 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University

Press, 2004). Also see Qing Pan, “Creativity Within Copying: A Comparative Study of Copying as a Way

of Learning in Euro-American Painting and Chinese Painting Traditions” (PhD dissertation, Columbia

University, New York, 2007).

197 For a discussion of Mianzhu’s trade guild practices see Feng, “Historical accounts of Mianzhu's trade

associations,” 112-119.

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to trade them at a higher value in the regional print markets.198 On a smaller scale,

different workshops within Mianzhu also strived for prestige by mastering certain skills

within the constraints of the guild rules, knowledge that was carefully guarded and

transmitted through family lineages. Individual workshops and even individual artisans

would thus occupy the vanguard of particular aspects of print production, competing for

status in the industry in ingenious ways. Although many print formats or designs

remained stable over time, the methods of production reflect great diversity and

experimentation. Today, these ritual strategies are still vital components of how lineageholding

workshops engage the marketplace.

While Wang Xingru claims his place in a multigenerational lineage of nianhua

designers living in Mianzhu’s urban center, the Chen and Li workshops are newly formed

lineages that emerged after the Cultural Revolution in Mianzhu’s rural outskirts. In

contrast to Wang, the Chen and Li workshops do not have lineage documents to draw on.

Their situation reflects unique strategies of adaptation, where they reconstruct their

workshop lineage identities by copying historic nianhua works. Chen and Li refer to their

lineages as pai 􀮊, a term used for painting schools comprised of both kin and nonkin

members. While Chen Xingcai claims to be the head of the “Southern School” (nanpai 􀬲

􀮊), Li Fangfu claims lineage in the “Northern School” (beipai 􀐚􀮊). I will now draw on

interviews conducted with members of both schools to show how the process of copying

plays into the territorial politics of lineage discourse to further boost the status of the

workshops.

198 These characteristics include the production of thick, high quality paper known as fenjianzhi 􀙸􀡖􁆼 and

the use of gold or silver leaf applied by either brush or small stamps. According to Li Fangfu, an elder

nianhua maker, the door deity guild enforced certain practices to maintain the quality of works produced in

their workshops. Inspectors would visit the workshops in search of works that did not meet the proper

standards. Works that failed the inspection would be burnt.

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