- •Abstract
- •Involved in recognizing nianhua as a living entity.
- •Innovating the Auspicious: Mianzhu’s Door Deity Markets….………..………………… 25
- •List of figures
- •Glossary
- •Acknowledgements
- •In Sichuan, I am ever grateful to my mentor Liu Zhumei, an accomplished artist
- •Is far more complicated than a restaging of traditional practices.7
- •Variety of works appears on doorways as door deities and spring couplets, including
- •3,250,000 In 1736 and to an impressive 21,400,000 recorded in the 1812 state census.34
- •In Mianzhu reached a high level of development, with over one hundred large workshops
- •53 Anthropologist Stefan Landesberger has studied how printed images tied to the “Mao cult” of the
- •Nianhua as a Living Archive?
- •In recent years however, the disciplines of anthropology and art history both
- •In response to Asad’s argument, Catherine Bell contends that ritual practices
- •Visual symbolism of nianhua, the central issue of its ephemerality has largely gone
- •Involvement of state agencies in collecting, exhibiting, and commodifying nianhua has
- •Performing Engaged Research
- •Chapter Breakdown
- •Including the ritual significance of many historic nianhua.
- •Harnessing the Seasonal Nianhua Market
- •Variety of printed works (fig. 21). A curious crowd is gathered around the stand to
- •Instead of focusing on objects or practices in isolation, the notion of an agentic
- •Reunion and Regeneration: Nianhua and the Lunar New Year
- •In Mianzhu, I observed a less structured approach to celebrating the Lunar New
- •Images of Chairman Mao and communist soldiers were circulated and consumed during
- •Variety to choose from and the images are not expensive. They also get more
- •Lineage-making Strategies for Reclaiming Authority in the Nianhua Marketplace
- •Imposition of European concepts of “descent,” especially in the concept of zongwhich
- •Wang Family Lineage
- •It is significant that Wang chose to share his lineage documents before taking out
- •In contrast to the carvers, printers, and those trained in the final stages of coloring
- •In the other hand, a blessed citron fruit known as a Buddha’s hand . All three figures
- •In examining Wang’s sketches and lineage documents alongside his finished
- •The Northern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Industry as apprentices and hired hands. While year-round designers such as the Wang
- •Various kinship terms of zu and zong used by Wang Xingru in reference to his position in
- •The Southern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Conclusion
- •Including art historian Catherine Pagani’s study of Chinese popular prints based on the
- •The Medicine King: Performative Gestures and the Art of Storytelling
- •I will begin with a critique of a storytelling session that vividly captures how an
- •In her hair. It got stuck in the crevice between his teeth. [Bares his teeth and
- •2006 With Han Gang, we met with Chen Xingcai’s eldest grandson Chen Gang, who was
- •In the oral culture of nianhua. For instance, Wang Shucun has commented on orally
- •Transformations Between Theater and Print
- •Recovering Narrative Density in Greeting Spring
- •Conclusion
- •Mianzhu Nianhua Museum: Putting the Past in its Place
- •In summary form by the leading researcher Shi Weian. According to Shi, the team
- •In framing the historical context of nianhua, the museum displays directly reflect
- •Contesting Heritage: Nianhua Makers Stake Their Claims
- •Mianzhu’s Nianhua Village and the Rise of Intangible Heritage Tourism
- •In its murals. On the other hand, it presents nianhua’s intangible heritage as a temporal
- •Village and its murals. Reflecting the propagandistic messages of “social harmony”
- •Is also the character for “earth” (tu ), a rather derogatory word often used to describe an
- •Racing for the Intangible: the Nianhua Festival as Performative Statecraft
- •Is carefully depicted to reflect age, class status, and/or a clearly defined role in the
- •The High-end Heritage Industry: Replicas and Remakes
- •In contrast to the painting term linmo, which allows for a degree of interpretation
- •Conclusion
- •Chapter Five: Conclusion
- •An Industry Based on Innovation
- •In Chapter Two, I stressed this point by examining the innovative practices
- •In this study, I selected interview excerpts that best demonstrated the performative
- •Vested interests in keeping the tangible and intangible aspects of nianhua distinct. Instead
- •Interests.
- •Demystifying the Auspicious
- •Impossible to tease out the continuities and changes of the nianhua industry. Indeed both
- •Future Directions and Post-Earthquake Reconstruction
- •Figures
- •Bibliography
- •Xisu ji qi xiandai kaifa” [The modern
Imposition of European concepts of “descent,” especially in the concept of zongwhich
“may be viewed as a line of descent, but its essential meaning really has to do with the
transmission of ancestral rites and obligations.” 177 It is a concept that stresses a
“hierarchical continuity between ascendant and descendant” yet does not call up lineage
segmentation or clan familism as do the terms fang or jia.178 Extending Chun’s argument,
Mayfair Yang cites Bourdieu’s emphasis on situational practice and agency to advocate
for an approach to lineage that moves away from focusing on the normative or “official”
rules of lineage and towards an examination of the “the daily conversions of these rules
177 Allen Chun in Allen Chun, John Clammer, Patricia Ebrey, David Faure, Stephan Feuchtwang, Ying-
Kuei Huang, P. Steven Sangren, Mayfair Yang, “The Lineage-Village Complex in Southeastern China: A
Long Footnote in the Anthropology of Kinship [and Comments and Reply],” Current Anthropology 37, no.
3 (1996), 439.
178 Ibid.
100
into strategies of power and counterpower by active agents exercising ‘practical
kinship.’”179 Working along similar lines, the work of Sangren and Scheffler examines
how a diverse range of lineage organizations, involving both kin and non-kin, are able to
change structurally to adapt to diverse environments.180 In the case of Mianhu’s nianhua
lineages, this adaptive power is enacted when the rules and principles around lineage
transmission are manipulated, recast, and redeployed to access its symbolic capital in the
marketplace.
To unpack these issues, the following discussion draws on my interview sessions
with the elder heads of the Wang, Chen, and Li family workshops. It is evident in each
case that the elders have well-rehearsed presentations of their workshop histories, as they
are accustomed to speaking with visiting scholars and officials. I was first introduced to
the workshops by my mentor Liu Zhumei , an artist and nianhua researcher at the
Mianzhu Nianhua Museum who has formed long-standing relationships with the
workshops. During our initial meetings, Liu referred to my personal background as an
American born Chinese whose father came from a small village in Sichuan. She
explained that I was interested in exploring my cultural and ancestral roots by studying
nianhua, a topic that I would share with Western audiences. Liu’s skillful introduction
served as a powerful icebreaker in conversation as it provided a personal dimension to the
project.
In the following discussion, I will first address the ritualized forms of copying and
innovation within the Wang family lineage of print designers (huashi ) who have
extant lineage documents, including geneaology charts, sketches, and inherited paintings
179 Mayfair Yang, “The Lineage-Village Complex (Comment to),” 446.
180 Key studies include P. Steven Sangren, “Traditional Chinese Corporations: Beyond Kinship,” Journal of
Asian Studies 43 (1984): 391-415; Scheffler, Harold W. “Filiation and affiliation” Man 20 (1985): 1-21.
101
that carry the valuable traces of older generations. In these instances, the auspicious act of
copying and redesigning these works is central to the continuous flow of skilled
knowledge required for the prosperity of the family lineage and livelihood. This
continuity allows lineage holders to experiment and innovate authoritatively within an
established tradition. I will then address how the Li and Chen workshops (respectively
known as the Northern and Southern schools of Mianzhu nianhua) link their production
practices with territorial claims, as a way of (re)constructing their lineages without
lineage documents. The different lineage-making approaches reveal competing strategies
in the production of efficacious images intended to “pursue the auspicious, repel the
portentous.” In particular, the workshops’ strategic performance of lineage discourses and
practices plays a critical role in legitimizing their authoritative presence in the
marketplace, especially in framing their prints and paintings as ritually efficacious items
for a broad audience.
