- •Abstract
- •Involved in recognizing nianhua as a living entity.
- •Innovating the Auspicious: Mianzhu’s Door Deity Markets….………..………………… 25
- •List of figures
- •Glossary
- •Acknowledgements
- •In Sichuan, I am ever grateful to my mentor Liu Zhumei, an accomplished artist
- •Is far more complicated than a restaging of traditional practices.7
- •Variety of works appears on doorways as door deities and spring couplets, including
- •3,250,000 In 1736 and to an impressive 21,400,000 recorded in the 1812 state census.34
- •In Mianzhu reached a high level of development, with over one hundred large workshops
- •53 Anthropologist Stefan Landesberger has studied how printed images tied to the “Mao cult” of the
- •Nianhua as a Living Archive?
- •In recent years however, the disciplines of anthropology and art history both
- •In response to Asad’s argument, Catherine Bell contends that ritual practices
- •Visual symbolism of nianhua, the central issue of its ephemerality has largely gone
- •Involvement of state agencies in collecting, exhibiting, and commodifying nianhua has
- •Performing Engaged Research
- •Chapter Breakdown
- •Including the ritual significance of many historic nianhua.
- •Harnessing the Seasonal Nianhua Market
- •Variety of printed works (fig. 21). A curious crowd is gathered around the stand to
- •Instead of focusing on objects or practices in isolation, the notion of an agentic
- •Reunion and Regeneration: Nianhua and the Lunar New Year
- •In Mianzhu, I observed a less structured approach to celebrating the Lunar New
- •Images of Chairman Mao and communist soldiers were circulated and consumed during
- •Variety to choose from and the images are not expensive. They also get more
- •Lineage-making Strategies for Reclaiming Authority in the Nianhua Marketplace
- •Imposition of European concepts of “descent,” especially in the concept of zongwhich
- •Wang Family Lineage
- •It is significant that Wang chose to share his lineage documents before taking out
- •In contrast to the carvers, printers, and those trained in the final stages of coloring
- •In the other hand, a blessed citron fruit known as a Buddha’s hand . All three figures
- •In examining Wang’s sketches and lineage documents alongside his finished
- •The Northern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Industry as apprentices and hired hands. While year-round designers such as the Wang
- •Various kinship terms of zu and zong used by Wang Xingru in reference to his position in
- •The Southern School of Mianzhu Nianhua
- •Conclusion
- •Including art historian Catherine Pagani’s study of Chinese popular prints based on the
- •The Medicine King: Performative Gestures and the Art of Storytelling
- •I will begin with a critique of a storytelling session that vividly captures how an
- •In her hair. It got stuck in the crevice between his teeth. [Bares his teeth and
- •2006 With Han Gang, we met with Chen Xingcai’s eldest grandson Chen Gang, who was
- •In the oral culture of nianhua. For instance, Wang Shucun has commented on orally
- •Transformations Between Theater and Print
- •Recovering Narrative Density in Greeting Spring
- •Conclusion
- •Mianzhu Nianhua Museum: Putting the Past in its Place
- •In summary form by the leading researcher Shi Weian. According to Shi, the team
- •In framing the historical context of nianhua, the museum displays directly reflect
- •Contesting Heritage: Nianhua Makers Stake Their Claims
- •Mianzhu’s Nianhua Village and the Rise of Intangible Heritage Tourism
- •In its murals. On the other hand, it presents nianhua’s intangible heritage as a temporal
- •Village and its murals. Reflecting the propagandistic messages of “social harmony”
- •Is also the character for “earth” (tu ), a rather derogatory word often used to describe an
- •Racing for the Intangible: the Nianhua Festival as Performative Statecraft
- •Is carefully depicted to reflect age, class status, and/or a clearly defined role in the
- •The High-end Heritage Industry: Replicas and Remakes
- •In contrast to the painting term linmo, which allows for a degree of interpretation
- •Conclusion
- •Chapter Five: Conclusion
- •An Industry Based on Innovation
- •In Chapter Two, I stressed this point by examining the innovative practices
- •In this study, I selected interview excerpts that best demonstrated the performative
- •Vested interests in keeping the tangible and intangible aspects of nianhua distinct. Instead
- •Interests.
- •Demystifying the Auspicious
- •Impossible to tease out the continuities and changes of the nianhua industry. Indeed both
- •Future Directions and Post-Earthquake Reconstruction
- •Figures
- •Bibliography
- •Xisu ji qi xiandai kaifa” [The modern
Images of Chairman Mao and communist soldiers were circulated and consumed during
the years of the Cultural Revolution in the place of door deities or other household
deities.167 I go on to ask Gong how the Lunar New Year activities have evolved since
those days, to which she gives a detailed account of both past and present practices:
Celebrating the Lunar New Year was much more fun in the past than it is today.
As soon as the eleventh lunar month arrived, we’d start curing meat, fish, and pig
heads and tails. We’d cure the fish so that there would be “plenitude year after
year” [] and we’d prepare pig heads and tails so that “what begins also
ends” []. During the twelveth lunar month, we’d start all the preparations
166 Gong Jinlan, in discussion with the author in Mianzhu, Sichuan, June 2006.
167 See Stefan R. Landsberger, “The Deification of Mao: Religious Imagery and Practices during the
Cultural Revolution and Beyond,” in China’s Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution: Master Narratives
and Post-Mao Counternarratives, ed. Woei Lien Chong (Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), 139-184.
93
in the home, including a full cleaning and the preparing of special foods. On the
eighth day of the twelfth lunar month, for the laba festival [], we had laba
congee to celebrate. Before, we used to make this by putting all sorts of
ingredients in a pot, but now the restaurants make them with eight standard
ingredients and people no longer go to the trouble of cooking it at home. But you
know such dishes always taste better when they are made in the home! Ah, I
really do miss those homemade dishes! [Sighs and rubs her stomach.]168
In mentioning specific recipes, it is possible to see direct parallels between the renewal of
nianhua and the preparation of auspicious dishes. For instance, the preparation of certain
foods is tied to the sounds of their names, which bear homophonic connections to
auspicious phrases, such as the cooking of fish (yu ) to signal plentitude (yu ) or the
phrase “plentitude year after year” (niannian youyu ). At a time when the home
becomes a ritually charged space for the renewal of family ties, these activities work
together to activate auspicious speech. Gong goes on to elaborate on the many traditional
recipes that would be painstakingly prepared at this time of year, including meat stuffed
tofu cakes, steamed red buns, sweet yams, fish, chestnuts, popcorn, and other flavored
sweets. She then goes on to discuss the particular timed renewal of images in the home,
including the stove deity image that would be replaced on the twenty-third day:
After the laba banquets, it was time for people to start heading home and we
would plan for visits to the ancestral burial sites. Before the twenty-third of the
twelveth lunar month, we would have to go to the ancestral graves to burn money,
candles, incense, and paper goods. By this time, all the hired help in the house had
to leave so that there would be no outsiders in the home. We’d also make
offerings to the stove deity on the twenty-third and put up his new picture next to
our wood stove. Then all the children would get so excited because we would get
168 Gong Jinlan, in discussion with the author in Mianzhu, Sichuan, June 2006.
94
to eat stove deity candy made of ginger, dough, and all sorts of flavors. On the
last day of the year, we would have our big New Year’s Eve dinner and early the
next day there was a race to the temple to see who could light the first incense of
the year, which was considered most auspicious. Today people don’t go there
themselves to the light the incense, but they’ll hire somebody to do it for them!
Can you imagine this? [Throws her hands in the air as if in exasperation.]169
In yet another parallel between food and nianhua display, the renewal of the stove deity
image coincides with the preparation of stove deity candy, which is sometimes smeared
onto the stove deity’s mouth so that the deity provides a positive report on the family’s
affairs when he makes his annual journey to the divine realms. When I ask her to discuss
the ritual display of any other images in the home, she replies:
We used to always hang up door deities and spring couplets. When I was a child,
these were simple mimeographs, the kind made on red paper. There were no shiny
prints back then, those only came later. We also had double-leaf doors back then,
instead of the single-leaf ones in our apartment today. We’d place the door deities
facing eachother and my grandfather wrote the spring couplets. By the first day of
the New Year, the entire house had to be ready with new images. Inside the
house, we had handprinted works of people, flowers, and other auspicious images.
We had an altar [] set up in the living room [] so that you would be
facing the ancestors as soon as you opened the doors to the room. We put the
names of the ancestors there with couplets on either side, and an incense burner in
the middle surrounded by offerings such as food, liquor, flowers, and the back end
of a roasted pig.170
Gong Jinlan’s description here captures the full transformation of the home into a ritual
space for ancestral worship before the Lunar New Year. The renewal of the exterior
169 Ibid.
170 Ibid.
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doorway with door deities and spring couplets coincides with the renewal of the indoor
altar, which also bears couplets on either side. When I ask her whether her family has
continued to display such images over the years, she explained the major shifts in how
the Lunar New Year is celebrated:
Today we are in apartments with single-leaf doors and we just put up a single
fudao [] image or nothing at all. 171 We buy them in the bookstores where
they sell really nice ones. These cost more and you can’t find them in the street
markets, which only sell the crude ones. Since the end of the Cultural Revolution,
Mianzhu has been growing really fast, with paved roads in places were there were
only dirt roads. Now people go to eat in restaurants and play mahjong all day.
There are TVs and computers everywhere you go and little communication
between the generations in one family. Before, the kids would perform songs and
dances for the elders to get some more New Year’s cash out of them. The elders
would also tell stories around the pictures in the home. My grandma couldn’t
read, but she had lots of stories to tell and she liked to perform a fan dance for the
kids. There’s no longer that kind of interaction between the generations. Even
nianhua is commercialized and made for art collectors.172
Gong’s detailed account sheds light on the significant role these year-end ritual
practices play in shaping family relationships and in maintaining the ties between the
younger and older generations. It also situates the annual renewal of nianhua within a
broader repertoire of ritual activities tied to renewal, including cooking, feasting,
cleaning, reuniting with ancestors, playing games, and sharing stories. In performing
these various activities, participating family members and friends strengthen their
existing social bonds and create new ones. They also renew the bonds between the living
171 The fudao image is the written character for “prosperity” (fu) displayed upside down on a doorway,
window, or wall. Since the character for “upside down” (dao) is a homophone for “arrive” (dao), this
method of display serves as a rebus image for the phrase “prosperity arrives” (fudao ).
172 Ibid.
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and the deceased and between the worldly and the divine. It should also be added here
that these activities take place in the realm of the marketplace as well, where company
bosses are often expected to host banquets for their employees while all debts are
collected and squared. It is thus possible to see how “pursuing the auspicious, repelling
the portentous” is a concept that comes into play across a wide range of ritual practices
tied to renewal, regeneration, and reunion in all facets of life. As an open-ended concept,
it encompasses a vast range of associations both secular and divine. When asked, “What
does ‘auspicious’ [] mean?” Gong Jinlan enthusiastically replied, “All things
good!”173
In selecting these particular excerpts from the interview, I am also highlighting
the changing nature of these activities, which inevitably respond to shifting trends in
fashion, technology, and the architectural configurations of the family’s lived space, such
as the simplified modes of nianhua display on single-leaf apartment doors. Gong gives
many examples of how the festival practices are changing, including the increasing
number of people who eat in restaurants or who hire people to burn incense for them at
the temple. She also points to how TVs and computers are replacing direct forms of
human communication, producing a divide between the younger and older generations.
Later in the discussion, Gong mentions a recent survey that reported seventy percent of
Chinese families watch the Spring Festival Gala broadcast on the official CCTV
networks across the nation. The gala is a variety performance not unlike the Lunar New
Year street parades that are held on the first day of the New Year, although the gala shifts
the spectacle experienced indoors and to the eve of the Lunar New Year, from about 8:00
173 Ibid.
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pm to 1:00 am. For Gong, these changes have taken away from the intimacy and joy of
the festival, which was “much more fun in the past.”174
Interestingly, this nostalgic sentiment repeatedly shows up in the scholarly
literature on nianhua, including a recent essay by art historian Bo Songnian, who laments
the commercialization of the nianhua industry and the decline in traditional rituals tied to
the Lunar New Year.175 However it should be kept in mind that these are often urban
perspectives that are not necessarily shared by those living in rural areas. During my
research trips, rural residents or those who still return from the cities to their rural homes
for the Lunar New Year often spoke with great enthusiasm over the elaborate festivities
and homemade meals that were still carried out at home. For instance, one male rural
resident argued that the traditional Lunar New Year rituals were not dying out at all but
actually growing and expanding due to the greater wealth in his village:
We display many new images around the home nowadays, as there is so much
