
- •Chinese immigration into the Russian Far East: comparison of perceptions among Russian civic and ethnic nationalisms
- •Mark Saamov Spring 2014
- •Student Declaration
- •1. Introduction
- •2. Main Body
- •3. Conclusion
- •Abstract
- •1. Introduction
- •1.1. Improvement of Bilateral Sino-Russian relations
- •1.2. The Problem: Russian Anxiety About Chinese Immigration
- •2. Main Body
- •2.1. History of Sino-Russian Relations
- •2.2. Overview of the Socio-Economic Situation in the Far East
- •2.4. Russian Civic Nationalism
- •2.5. Russian Ethnic Nationalism
- •2.6. Antagonism Between the Government and Right-Wing Nationalists
- •2.7. Discourse of Two Nationalisms on Chinese Immigration
- •2.7.1. Ethnic Nationalism Discourse
- •2.7.2. Civic Nationalism Discourse
- •3. Conclusion
- •3.1. Future of the Discourse in the Context of State’s Changing Political Order
- •Alexeev, m., Hofstetter, r. (2006). Russia, China, and the immigration security dilemma. Political Science Quarterly, 126. Retrieved from http://www.Jstor.Org/stable/20202643
3. Conclusion
3.1. Future of the Discourse in the Context of State’s Changing Political Order
In the conclusion, it is possible to say that Chinese immigration into the Far East will remain a highly debated topic in the discourse between the two types of Russian nationalism. For now, however, it is possible to stay that the situation is likely to remain stable due to two factors: current balance of powers in Russian political structures as well as attempts to deepen political and economic cooperation with China, which, due to recent events such as Russia’s exclusion from G8 and Western sanctions, are likely to become a priority (Goldman, Marchak, Neuger, 2014). However, this balance of powers is achieved primarily by tight political control and authoritarian nature of the regime, which holds on Putin’s personal rule.
Current domination of Putin and “United Russia” assure the victory of civic nationalism and further exclusion of ethnic nationalism, what consequently allows some flexibility in the immigration policy-making process and, in case of Chinese migration, there is a slight chance that it will be tolerated by the government and population as long Chinese fit the model and have a desire to contribute towards achieving Russian political goals and affiliating themselves with country’s norms.
But one must keep in mind that Putin, as any other authoritarian figure, is not going to stay in power forever and will be gone at some point, what immediately raises the question of survival of existing political order in the country. With Putin out of picture, Russia, in a crude sense, is likely to face two possibilities: further preservation of civic nationalism and continuation of the model of “family of free peoples” or adoption of an ethnic-based model and establishment of an exclusionist society with severe constraints on immigration and features like ethnic inequality. The choice of the model primarily depends on economic conditions, which largely define social anxiety and, what, in turn, affects further development of the discourse.
One can
definitely say that this question not only relates to Chinese
immigration but to immigration at large and adoption of either one or
another model leads to far-reaching consequences. Being the second
biggest country in the world, chosen for immigration (United Nations,
2013), it is crucial for Russia to come up with an appropriate
solution in this discourse, in order to correctly address the
question of cross-ethnic relations within its borders since this
topic directly correlates with such concepts as internal peace and
stability, the presence of which are considered to be an absolutely
essential requirements for a modern state to be successful. In the
end, due to presence ofhe
state itselfss-ethnic ic-d the appropriate decision in this
discourse, in order to .
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