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5.15 References

AD cites lack of on-field progress. (2004, December 1). Retrieved March 8, 2005, from http://sports.espn.go.com/ncf/news/story?id=1935138

Adams, R. (2006, March 11). College basketball: Pay for playoffs. Wall Street Journal, p. P1.

American Heritage dictionary of the English language (4th ed.). (2000). Boston: American Heritage.

Belsky, G., & Gilovich, T. (1999). Why smart people make big money mistakes. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Benjamin, D., Gunderson, M., & Riddell, C. (2002). Labour market economics (5th ed.). New York, NY: McGraw Hill.

Bray, C. (2004). 2002-03 NCAA Gender Equity Report. Indianapolis, IN: National Collegiate Athletic Association.

Drape, J. (2004, January 1). Coaches receive both big salaries and big questions. New York Times, p. D1.

Ehrenberg, R. G., & Bognanno, M. L. (1990). Do tournaments have incentive effects? Journal of Political Economy, 98, 1307-1324.

Fizel, J., & D’Itri, M. (2004). Managerial efficiency, managerial succession, and organization performance. In J. Fizel and R. Fort (Eds.), Economics of college sports (pp. 175-194). Westport, CT: Praeger.

Fish, M. (2003, December 23). Sign of the times: College football coaching contracts filled with lucrative incentives. Retrieved March 12, 2005, from http://sportsillustrated.cnn.com/2003/writers/mike_fish/12/19/coaching.contracts/

Frank, R. H., & Cook, P. J. (1995). The winner-take-all society. New York: The Free Press.

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Leeds, M., & von Allmen, P. (2005). The Economics of Sports (2nd ed.). New York: Pearson Addison Wesley.

Mayer, B. (2002, October 5). College pay scale doesn’t add up. Lawrence Journal-World. Retrieved March 2, 2005, from http://www2.ljworld.com/news/2002/oct/05/ college_pay_scale/.

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Sperber, M. (1990). College Sports Inc.: The athletic department vs. the university. New York: Henry Holt.

Surowiecki, J. (2004). The wisdom of crowds. New York: Doubleday.

Thaler, R. (1988). The Winner’s Curse. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 2(1), 191-202.

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1 See Zimbalist (2001, 81). Sperber (1990, 177 ff) reports that during the 1980s, basketball coaches Jerry “The Shark” Tarkanian of UNLV received complementary tickets with a face value of $40,000, Maryland’s Charles “Lefty” Driesell grossed $231,000 from a summer camp, and John Thompson of Georgetown had a $200,000 endorsement contract/”shoe deal” with Nike. Football coach Bobby Bowden (Florida State) had a $25,000 expense account (for comparison, the median household income in the United States at that time was about $40,000). For other examples of compensation packages see Fish (2003).

2 In February 2005, the Governor of the state of Connecticut, M. Jodi Rell, began an investigation into their endorsement deals. Because UConn is a public institution, Coaches Auriemma and Calhoun are state employees. To avoid improprieties such as conflict of interest, most states have severe restrictions on other sources of compensation that state employees may receive. While their may be an ethical issue that needs resolution, it is not clear that any economic impropriety has occurred (see Sampsell-Jones (2005)).

3 These kinds of disparities led William Friday, a former president of the University of North Carolina, to comment “[n]ame me a single company where a CEO works with someone who makes fives times more than him” (Drape, 2004).

4 But equal productivity across sports does not result in equal coaching compensation because most college sports do not generate revenues in excess of cost. How closely should a coach’s compensation be tied to the revenues generated by the sport? Should a female coach who has a better winning percentage than her male counterpart earn less if her sport produces fewer revenues? We explore gender effects in Chapter 8.

5 Measurements relevant to CEO compensation are less clear cut because market competition is frequently a positive-sum game. Unless a company goes bankrupt, or competition is defined very narrowly (like market share), it remains possible for all of the firms in an industry to succeed. Not all of Toyota’s success necessarily comes at the expense of Ford; Ford and Toyota may both experience increased revenues and profits during the same period of time. In addition, tangible measurements like profit or market share do not apply to universities because they are almost entirely non-profit institutions, many of whom are publicly supported through federal and state taxation, and few of whom ever become insolvent.

6 The theory of the market for superstars is presented in Rosen (1981).

7 For 2002 median salaries see http://books.mongabay.com/labor/earnings/093.html.

8 In their textbook, Leeds and von Allmen (2005, p. 280) use an example from the 2003 PGA Master’s Tournament. The winner, Mike Weir, finished one shot under Len Mattiace but the former earned $1,080,00 in prize money and the latter $648,000. In addition, “the two players who finished 48th and 49th were also just one stroke apart, yet they received $21,000 and $19,000 … .”

9 It might. There is evidence that a tournament structured reward system causes participants to increase their effort. See, Ehrenberg and Bognanno’s (1990) analysis of the PGA.

10 It may also lead to over-crowding in the labor market: too many sellers enter the market in the hope of becoming one of the handful of superstars. As an example, think about the number of men and women waiting tables in Los Angeles who consider themselves to be actors. See Frank and Cook (1995) for a full discussion.

11 O.J. Simpson paid his attorneys an estimated $6 million to defend him from charges of double homicide. His defense team, nicknamed “The Dream Team,” included legal superstars F. Lee Bailey, Alan Dershowitz, and Robert Shapiro. While Simpson was found not guilty of criminal charges, it is interesting to speculate whether he could have achieved the same result at a lower cost, and whether he would have been willing to risk paying less.

12 The winner’s curse is discussed in Thaler (1988). For a fascinating discussion about why the mean estimate is often accurate see Surowiecki (2004, Chapter 1).

13 As an example, suppose you asked ten of your friends to rate their driving abilities. How many do you think would say they are “worse than average?” This phenomenon in which “everyone is above average” is often referred to as the “Lake Wobegone effect” (from the NPR program Prairie Home Companion). For further discussion see Belsky and Gilovich (1999, Chapter 6).

14 Unfortunately, knowing about the winner’s curse may not be especially helpful. If you seek to avoid becoming the “cursed” winner you must be willing to offer lower bids, bids that will most often ensure you lose, or else not participate in the auction to begin with.

15 Sperber (1990, p. 158) argues that many coaches change jobs not because they are fired but due to their interest in a higher-paying or more prestigious position (or leaving before any NCAA violations are discovered). And even if they are not fired, universities will offer lucrative bonuses or annuities to try to keep a coach from jumping ship. While Sperber is correct that many coaches leave to move to a higher position on the coaching pyramid, the emphasis on winning percentage is an even more significant contributor to the frequency of coaching turnover.

16 For a description of the major infractions at Georgia see: http://www2.ncaa.org/ legislation_and_governance/compliance/major_infractions.html (click “Major Infractions Database” and then enter University of Georgia in the appropriate field).

17 In an article in USA Today, Wieberg (2001) reported that “When Iowa State gave basketball coach Larry Eustachy a $300,000 raise last year, guaranteeing him $900,000 annually, state Rep. Ed Fallon took such umbrage that he introduced legislation to cap coaches' salaries at state institutions at $300,000. Attracting little support, the measure quickly died.”

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