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7.1.4.3 Appraisal of emotion.

Emotions are experienced rapidly and the antecedents are more or less automatically evaluated. Frijda (1993) found similar appraisal dimensions in the cultures investigated related to change or novelty, to experiencing control or lack of control, to whether the event was pleasant or unpleasant, and what or who was responsible. A high degree of similarity across cultures suggested similar appraisal processes occurs independent of culture. The basic emotions appear to be appraised the same way, an assertion also supported in other research (Roseman, Dhawan, Rettek, Nadidu, & Thapa, 1995).

The appraisal of emotions were closely examined in the Scherer (1997a) study where the respondents were asked to think about an emotional experience connected to the basic emotions and then asked to appraise it whether the event was pleasant, frustrated goal attainment, or otherwise affected their lives. Between the basic emotions strong differences in appraisals might be expected, but within each basic emotion the appraisal patterns were very similar. Overall there is strong support for the universality of the appraisal of emotion, but also room for cultural affects based on interpretations and possibly linguistic differences.

In one study Scherer and Walcott (1994) asked the participants to rate emotional components including feelings, physiological changes, motor reactions, and expressive behaviors that occurred when they experienced the basic emotions. The researchers observed major differences in subjective responses between the basic emotions that was not dependent on culture as there were more similarities than differences between cultural groups. The coherence in subjective responses offers strong support for universality. Coherent responses between various components including intonation and physiological responses show that they are related in meaningful ways (Matsumoto et al, 2006).

The appraisal of emotions is linked to causality. Cultural values interact so individuals from collectivistic cultures are more likely to attribute the cause for negative emotions to themselves, whereas individualistic respondents in the U.S. are more likely to attribute causality to others. When Japanese respondents are sad they are more likely to see the source within themselves, whereas Americans attribute causality to other people for a variety of emotions including sadness, joy and shame. Japanese attribute causality to fate that promote the acceptance that nothing can be done to improve the situation. Negative emotions for Americans (in particular fear) elicit behavior to correct or improve the situation (Matsumoto, Kudoh, Scherer, & Wallbott, 1988).

7.2 The role of culture in emotional reactions.

As we have noted cultural and biological influences on emotions are but two sides of the same coin. All humans have an undeniable evolutionary link demonstrating our common heritage that is further supported in the separate evolution of language and socioculture. This chapter has also demonstrated a biological foundation in the universal basic emotions and its several components. As Averill (1980) stated biological and cultural theories are not really incompatible since they represent different aspects of the same emotional and behavioral phenomena. In Averill’s view emotions are socially constructed transitory roles determined by what is acceptable in a given culture. From this perspective similar events may have culturally dependent meanings since the antecedents that produce emotions are interpreted by language and cognition.

Objective comparison between cultures are difficult because emotion labels that are at times not easily translated from one language to another. Some languages have a number of words for an emotional domain that is represented by a single label in the English language. Cultures that have many emotion labels can produce finer discriminations and therefore more complex emotion meanings. The presence of many emotion labels may also reflect the salience of the emotion in the culture. The people of Tahiti evidently don’t have a word for sadness (Levy, 1984) so perhaps that is a less salient emotion in their culture. Labels that are important to emotional descriptions in some societies appear missing in other cultures (Russell, 1991). When labels are absent or present that difference can reflect the relative salience of the relevant emotion in the cultural discourse.

While there are some emotional labels or words missing in some societies there are also universal emotion terms present in all cultures (Wierzbicka, 1999). Overall there is support for emotion universals, but also for the influence of culture as mediated by language. For example all languages have a word for “feel” according to Wierzbicka that can be described in terms of good or bad. Likewise all cultures, as we have seen, have facial expressions that can also be linked with emotions described as good or bad. However, while the presence of universals cannot be denied, we must remember that the descriptive labels of emotions are formed through cultural discourse and may be an indicator of the cultural salience of that emotion. For Wierzbicka human emotions are not inherent, but constructed through the use of language and cognition. Markus and Kitayma (1994a) suggested that each culture has key cultural concepts and ideology used in the socialization of children that determine self-conceptions and worldviews. These central ideas affect the experiencing and display of emotions.

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