7.1 The universality of emotions: Basic neurophysiological responses.

Emotions are closely connected to specific physiological reactions in the autonomic and central nervous systems. Ekman, Levenson and Friesen (1983) found that basic emotions produce distinct and discrete signals in the autonomic system. Others have also found specific emotion related responses in the central nervous system (Davidson, 2003; Mauss, Levenson, McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005). Research has also demonstrated similar neurophysiological responses for the basic emotions in cross-cultural samples demonstrating their universality (Tsai & Levenson, 1997).

Researchers in biology and neurosciences have in the past also tried to locate the locus of emotions in certain brain structures (Gazzaniga, 1995). As might be expected it is not an easy process to find the emotion pathway in specific brain locations for complex subjective feelings of anger, sadness or happiness and the biological locus of these emotions are not well understood (Cacioppo & Tassinary, 1990). Nevertheless research has demonstrated convincingly the relationship between emotions and biological processes. Darwin (1998) argued that human behavior evolved from earlier primate ancestors and emotions exists as part of our behavioral repertoire since they serve evolutionary adaptation. In particular emotions serve the function of supporting adaptive fitness by providing important information about our subjective states, our relationships to others, and the emotion stimuli.

Over the years researchers have concluded that basic emotions (anger, fear, disgust, sadness, happiness, and surprise) are hardwired in the human brain. Basic emotions are thought to have evolved as part of our genetic inheritance and have certain characteristics in common (Ekman, 1992; Matsumoto & Hwang, 2011). The basic emotions are identified by universally recognized signals that are also present in other primates. As noted these responses produce collateral changes in the autonomic and central nervous systems, are related to distinctive antecedent events, and demonstrate coherence in reactions. Basic emotions are rapid in onset, of brief duration, and are typically appraised automatically.

7.1.1 How we understand the emotion of others: Facial expressions.

In his original research Darwin argued that humans all over the world use exactly the same facial expressions to convey emotions. According to Darwinian theory facial expressions are a part of our biological inheritance and are adaptive by conveying important emotional information. Darwin also noted that we share with the great apes some of similar facial expressions a finding that support our common evolutionary path with other primates. Ethologists (Snowdon, 2003) have produced evidence for the universality and genetic basis of facial expressions in the primates. For example, there are many morphological similarities between primate and human expressions when evaluated in similar social contexts. Some research found that infant chimpanzee has similar facial expressions as human infants (Ueno, Ueno, & Tomonaga (2004). Facial expressions provide a communication context to emotions thereby serving adaptive functions in intergroup and interpersonal behavior. Ekman, (1973) however, noted that the common experiences of human infants might also provide a basis for universal human expressions and that therefore universality can only be inferred from controlled experiments. Universality however is supported by the research on human development. The facial musculature necessary for facial expressions are present and functional at birth (Ekman & Oster, 1979). Infants are capable of signaling their emotional states and show interest and attention (Oster, 2005). The presence of universal emotional expressions so early in development is evidence of their biological basis.

Early studies (Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1971) independently pioneered a methodology to investigate the universality of the ability to recognize facial expressions of human emotions. Ekman created a series of photographs of facial expressions thought to represent universal basic emotions recognizable in every culture. Respondents in five countries were presented and asked to provide a label for photographs that corresponded to the six common emotions of happiness, anger fear, disgust, sadness and surprise. Later (Ekman, & Friesen, 1986) added contempt to the universally recognized expressions list. The results showed a very broad agreement identifying the same emotional expressions from the photographs among the judges from all cultures. Furthermore there were no significant differences in facial recognition between respondents from the different cultures. However, the respondents in these early studies all came from advanced industrialized societies leading critics to suggest that concordance in agreement might be the result of cultural diffusion in the display of emotion caused by Western movies and other media. The critics concluded that cultural diffusion and not biology contributed to the apparent universality of emotion display.

Ekman and his colleagues conducted another study (Ekman, Sorenson, & Friesen, 1969) employing similar methodology with preliterate tribes of New Guinea in an attempt to find respondents isolated from Western culture. Rather than asking for language labels that might not be available to the respondents Ekman requested that the participants tell a story illustrating the facial expression in the photographs. The results were remarkably similar to the labeling experiments as the stories were concordant with the emotions illustrated in the photographs. Cultural experience moderated responses to a small degree since recognition of emotions for children were very high around 90 percent, but lower for adults (80 percent). However, since these preliterate societies could not have experienced cultural diffusion, or at least only in very limited ways, the results were accepted as confirming the universality of emotions.

Later Ekman and his colleagues asked the tribe members to demonstrate emotions with their own facial expressions and took photographs of these responses. The facial expressions of the tribe members were then shown to American respondents who again correctly labeled the emotions displayed in the new tribal photographs supporting universality. Izard (1971) independently examined the issue of the universality of facial recognition. In general his results supported those found by Ekman and his colleagues. Further, Ekman, Friesen, O’Sulllivan, Diacoyanni-Tarlatris, Krause, Pitcairn, Scherer, Chan, Heider, LaCompte, Ricci-Bitti and Tomati (1987) in a study of ten cultures found similar universal recognition of even complex blended emotions

The aforementioned research was based on the assumption that universality can be demonstrated by common cross-cultural agreement in the labeling of or story telling about photographic stimuli. However, will people spontaneously display these basic emotions and are these reactions also universal? A study comparing responses in Japan and the U.S. (Ekman, 1972) exposed respondents to very stressful stimuli while taping their facial reactions. The results showed that the respondents from both countries showed similar facial reactions to the stressful stimuli. The universality of expression and recognition of emotions has now been documented in many research programs and is commonly accepted (Elfenbein & Ambady, 2002; Matsumoto, Keltner, Frank, & O’Sullivan, 2008). The basic emotions are expressed very rapidly and apparently with automatic appraisal and little cognitive awareness and are thought to be the product of evolution. The social context can modify responses, but without contextual differences facial expressions are universally similar.

Further, the emotions expressed are recognized in all cultures. Matsumoto (2001) reviewed 27 research reports of facial expressions and found universal recognition of the basic emotions. The meta-analysis reported by Elfenbein and Ambady (2002) also supported the universal recognition of emotion signals produced by facial expressions. It seems indisputable that such common agreement would not be found independent of culture unless the facial expressions were in fact universal and genetically based. Further research has expanded the list of emotions that are universally recognized (Matsmoto & Ekman, 2004; Tracy & Robbins, 2004). These studies together support the assertion that humans innately possess basic emotions as part of a genetically determined inheritance.