4.4 Creating the climate of home: Cultural and cross-cultural studies.

Parents are the principal conduits of cultural learning. Differences in social attitudes however reflect the broader cultural values. For example, Asian parents think effort is more important in education than ability, whereas American parents believe innate ability is responsible for success (Stevenson & Zusho, 2002). These cultural attributions for success are consistent with the cultural underpinnings of collectivistic and individualistic societies.

Differences in parental values are reflected in the parent’s involvement with the school system. American parents of European background are more likely to pay attention to in-school activities and the children’s teachers, whereas Asian parents are more concerned with outside events like museum and library visits as contributors to the child’s education (Sy & Schulenberg, 2005). Asian parents also emphasize high expectations and explicit rules about activities that interfere with learning. Since American parents believe limits are set by ability they are less likely to emphasize high expectations and are more concerned with shoring up their child’s self-esteem.

4.4.1 The sleeping arrangements of childhood.

The home climate is the earliest cultural influence on members of a society and the sleeping arrangements are thought to be very significant to the security of the child. Cultural studies demonstrate varying patterns in sleeping arrangements as parents in societies like the United States seek to create child independence from the very beginning. Mothers in the U.S. strive to have their babies sleep through the night and in a location separate from parents. The American culture is characterized by values of individualism and early independence, and separate sleeping arrangements support these values. In place of the security and warmth of parental bodies the child is often offered a soft toy or security blanket that the child carries around for several years.

Cultural studies of other societies show that independent sleeping arrangements are not ubiquitous. For example in Sweden children often sleep with their parents through early childhood (Welles-Nystrom, 2005). This is believed by parents to provide the security essential to normal development. Likewise in Mayan cultures children often sleep with their mothers through early childhood creating bonds important to the survival of families. It is probably true that bonding through early childhood is emphasized more in societies where strong bonds are essential for survival, and sleeping arrangements have supported such collectivistic values. Socio-economic factors may also play a role as separate sleeping facilities may not be affordable in poor families (Morelli, Rogoff, Oppenheim, & Goldsmith, 1992). In some collectivistic societies parents would be amazed at the early separation of the infant from the mother’s presence during the night.

The establishment of sleeping patterns is an early concern by young parents. Super, Harkness, Van Tijen, Van der Vlugt, Fintelman, & Dijkdtra (1996) found differences in regulating sleeping patterns between Dutch and American parents. Dutch parents established early regularity in sleeping patterns believing that otherwise children with inadequate sleep would be more difficult to handle. The parents in the U.S. were more likely to adopt a non-directive attitude believing that as they age children will eventually sleep properly. The child’s relative alertness also varied as measured by diaries of parents. Dutch children displayed quieter arousal, whereas U.S. children were more active. Contributing to the difference was the finding that U.S. mothers spent more time talking to and touching their children. Dutch parents found it more important to organize family time for their children, whereas U.S. mothers emphasized the importance of finding special time with just the child.

Ethnic groups within a society may also practice different sleeping arrangements. The United States is a multi-cultural society, and it is not surprising that subgroups have different childrearing practices. One study demonstrated that parents sleeping with their children in early childhood are expected in the struggling communities of Appalachia (Small, 1998). Likewise in a study comparing a matched sample of white children with a sample of Latinos living in Harlem, a larger proportion of the Harlem children slept with their parents. Perhaps these studies are pointing to socio-economic differences in communities that are struggling with poverty and the acceptance of longer periods of sleeping with parents as essential for stronger bonding for survival. Sleeping arrangements reflect subliminal cultural values not articulated explicitly that still may reach into the earliest phases of life and children.