4.2 Enculturation and choice.

The growing child develops within a niche from which he/she learns cultural values. The major components that form the context of development are the ecological environment, the socio-political context, customs of child rearing, and the psychology that motivate parents and child care givers (Super & Harkins, 1994, 2002). These niche components interact with the child’s unique genetically based temperamental traits. However, it is well to keep in mind that children are not just acted upon by the cultural environment, but are behavioral actors in their own right and through their choices influence family life and the broader cultural context. As Bronfenbrenner (1979) noted children are not passive recipients of cultural knowledge, but dynamically interact with the choices provided by culture. The micro-systems with the most immediate influence on development is the interaction of the child with the family, educational system, and peers. The exo-system influences development indirectly for example by the opportunities provided by the social standing of parents. The macro-system refers to the major normative influences that require conformity to cultural values, religion, and ideology. Nevertheless, according to Bronfenbrenner it is important to remember that members of a culture are not passive observers, but children contribute to self-development by the choices they make and through the willingness to conform or risk alternatives.

The affect of quality of life variables can be observed in studies on child development. Technological development has been practically ubiquitous in the world the last decades and has affected family life in significant ways (Berry, 1997). Differences in outcomes for family life have been found between wealthy individualistic countries compared to collectivistic countries (Georgas, Poortinga, Angleitner, Goodwin, & Charalambous, 1997). Although the search for material wealth is ubiquitous it is also associated with a decreasing frequency of helping behavior among second or third generation Mexican-American children. A salient outcome with psychological consequences is the less important role of family solidarity in the survival of children from more affluent families (Knight and Kagan, 1997).

Parents and other child caregivers generally share culturally appropriate ideas about child rearing. In a given culture parents have assimilated beliefs about the correct ways to help a child achieve developmental goals and the role of parents in creating the best learning climate. Cultural values frames the way that child caregivers express affection and love for the child and determine when the child should be fed and the appropriate time for weaning. Cultural values also create expectations about the right time to master the beginnings of speech, when the child should walk, and other developmental goals (Harkness & Super, 1995).

Differences in child rearing ideology were found in a study comparing Japanese with U.S. teachers (Tobin, Wu, & Davidson, 1989). For example Japanese teachers preferred larger class rooms believing the greater number of students to constitute a more appropriate forum to teach children to get along with others. The beliefs about children’s misbehavior also varied between the samples with Japanese teachers believing that misbehavior occurred when something went wrong in the relationship between child and mother, whereas U.S. teachers were more likely to attribute the cause to some inherent deficit in the child. The attribution of either individual or relationship causes is also consistent with generally recognized differences between collectivistic and individualistic cultures represented by Japan and the U.S..

LeVine (1977) suggested that early childrearing practices were created and motivated by parental goals. Initially the survival of the infant is paramount and therefore parents focus on infant health. However, at some point children in all cultures must develop self-sufficiency. Childrearing inculcate the cultural values of the broader society as mediated by parents. However, children raised in affluent cultures do not face the same struggles for survival as those raised in poverty with subsequent long term psychological consequences. When parents have to struggle daily to put food on the table there is not much time to develop the assets and abilities of the child, and family bonding becomes a primary goal in order to create survival security. The harshness of the environment may be so extreme that mothering is directly influenced.

Frequency and length of breastfeeding also depend on the socio-economic status of society. The more advanced societies encourage the use of formula to create earlier independence between mother and child. In turn that may affect attachment and later development. Infant weakness in extremely impoverished communities is conceptualized by mothers as representing a low likelihood for survival. Hence mothers in these cultures are in some cases tentative in committing total affection for the child as the baby may be only a short-term visitor in the home. In other words bonding is promoted when there is a chance that it will have utility in the survival of the child (Scheper-Huges, 1992).

Parental ideology referred to as parental ethno-theories describes integrated beliefs about parenting (Edwards, Knoche, Aukrust, Kimru, & Kim, 2006; Harkness & Super, 2006). The belief system about parenting determines the methods which direct the child in learning important elements of the cultural context. Parental beliefs serve as an organizing tool in governing the daily activities of the child.