- •Political system
- •Issues of classification
- •Leagues
- •Confederations and federations
- •The United Nations organization
- •National political systems
- •Unitary nation-states
- •Federal systems
- •Rural communities
- •Regions
- •Issues of classification
- •Types of classification schemes
- •Modern classifying systems
- •Governments classified by mode of succession
- •Hereditary succession
- •Succession by constitutional prescription
- •Succession by election
- •Succession by force
- •Autocratic versus nonautocratic rule
- •Emergence of advanced nation-states
- •Contemporary forms of government
- •Monarchy
- •Dictatorship
- •Oligarchy
- •Constitutional government
- •Contemporary levels of government
- •National government
- •Regional and state government
- •City and local government
- •The executive
- •The judiciary
- •Supervision and resolution of conflicts
- •Regulation of the economy
- •Protection of political and social rights
- •Provision of goods and services
- •Public administration
- •Causes of stability and instability
- •Unstable political systems
- •Stable political systems
- •Structural revision
- •Change of leaders
- •Change of policies
Modern classifying systems
The usefulness of all the traditional classifications has been undermined by the momentous changes in the political organization of the modern world. Typologies based on the number of power holders or the formal structures of the state are rendered almost meaningless by the standardization of “democratic” forms, the deceptive similarities in the constitutional claims and governmental institutions of regimes that actually differ markedly in their political practices, and the rise of new political orders in the non-Western world. A number of modern writers have attempted to overcome this difficulty by constructing classifying schemes that give primary importance to social, cultural, economic, or psychological factors. The most influential of such schemes is the Marxist typology, which classifies types of rule on the basis of economic class divisions and defines the ruling class as that which controls the means of production in the state. A monistic typology that also emphasized the importance of a ruling class was developed by an Italian theorist of the early 20th century, Gaetano Mosca. In Mosca’s writings all forms of government appear as mere facades for oligarchy or the rule of a political “elite” that centres power in its own hands. Another classification, which distinguishes between “legitimate” and “revolutionary” governments, was suggested by Mosca’s contemporary Guglielmo Ferrero. Using a sociopsychological approach to the relations between rulers and ruled, Ferrero held that a legitimate government is one whose citizens voluntarily accept its rule and freely give it their loyalty; in revolutionary systems, the government fears the people and is feared by them. Legitimacy and leadership are also the basis of a typology developed by the German sociologist Max Weber. In Weber’s scheme there are three basic types of rule: charismatic, in which the authority or legitimacy of the ruler rests upon some genuine sense of calling and in which the followers submit because of their faith or conviction in the ruler’s exemplary character; traditional, in which, as in hereditary monarchy, leadership authority is historically or traditionally accepted; and rational-legal, in which leadership authority is the outgrowth of a legal order that has been effectively rationalized and where there is a prevailing belief in the legality of normative rules or commands. The Weberian typology has been elaborated by a number of writers who have found it particularly useful for comparing and classifying the political orders of the non-Western world.
A serviceable classification of political systems must penetrate beneath formal appearances to underlying realities; these realities, however, do not consist only of the facts of social and economic organization. Important differences often exist between political systems having very similar socioeconomic structures. That is why some sociological classifications and schemes of analysis fail as tools of political inquiry: they cannot effectively distinguish between certain societies whose political orders are full of contrasts. The political system itself must be the primary focus of inquiry and the phenomena of politics the principal facts of investigation. Such an approach may involve many different kinds of analysis, but it must begin with an examination of the ways in which power is acquired and transferred, exercised, and controlled. This is important for comparing advanced political orders and also for drawing important distinctions between regimes in the underdeveloped areas of the world.
