Winston Churchill
Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill, KG, OM, CH, TD, PC, DL, FRS, Hon. RA (30 November 1874 – 24 January 1965) was a British Conservative politician and statesman known for his leadership of the United Kingdom during the Second World War. Widely regarded as one of the greatest wartime leaders of the past century, he served as Prime Minister twice (1940–45 and 1951–55). A noted statesman and orator, Churchill was also anofficer in the British Army, a historian, a writer, and an artist. He is the only British prime minister to have received the Nobel Prize in Literature, and was the first person to be made an Honorary Citizen of the United States.
Churchill was born into the aristocratic family of the Dukes of Marlborough. His father, Lord Randolph Churchill, was a charismatic politician who served as Chancellor of the Exchequer; his mother, Jennie Jerome, was an American socialite. As a young army officer, he saw action in British India, the Sudan, and the Second Boer War. He gained fame as a war correspondent and wrote books about his campaigns.
At the forefront of politics for fifty years, he held many political and cabinet positions. Before the First World War, he served as President of the Board of Trade, Home Secretary, and First Lord of the Admiralty as part of the Asquith Liberal government. During the war, he continued as First Lord of the Admiralty until the disastrousGallipoli Campaign caused his departure from government. He then briefly resumed active army service on theWestern Front as commander of the 6th Battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers. He returned to government asMinister of Munitions, Secretary of State for War, and Secretary of State for Air. After the War, Churchill served as Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Conservative (Baldwin) government of 1924–29, controversially returning the pound sterling in 1925 to the gold standard at its pre-war parity, a move widely seen as creating deflationary pressure on the UK economy. Also controversial was his opposition to increased home rule for India and his resistance to the 1936 abdication of Edward VIII.
Out of office and politically "in the wilderness" during the 1930s, Churchill took the lead in warning about Nazi Germany and in campaigning for rearmament. On the outbreak of the Second World War, he was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. Following the resignation of Neville Chamberlain on 10 May 1940, Churchill became Prime Minister. His steadfast refusal to consider defeat, surrender, or a compromise peace helped inspire British resistance, especially during the difficult early days of the War when Britain stood alone in its active opposition to Adolf Hitler. Churchill was particularly noted for his speeches and radio broadcasts, which helped inspire the British people. He led Britain as Prime Minister until victory over Nazi Germany had been secured.
After the Conservative Party lost the 1945 election, he became Leader of the Opposition. In 1951, he again became Prime Minister, before retiring in 1955. Upon his death, Elizabeth II granted him the honour of a state funeral, which saw one of the largest assemblies of world statesmen in history.[1] Named the Greatest Briton of all time in a 2002 poll, Churchill is widely regarded as being among the most influential people in British history.
Churchill's speeches were a great inspiration to the embattled British. His first speech as prime minister was the famous "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears, and sweat". One historian has called its effect on Parliament as "electrifying"; the House of Commons that had ignored him during the 1930s "was now listening, and cheering." Churchill followed that closely with two other equally famous ones, given just before the Battle of Britain. One included the words:
... we shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender.
Классическими произведениями ораторского искусства и вершиной ораторского мастерства Черчилля считаются три его речи, произнесенные в парламенте 1940 году.
В первой своей речи в качестве премьера, 13 мая, известной под названием «Кровь, пот и слезы» (Blood, Sweat, and Tears), Черчилль заявил:
I would say to the House, as I said to those who've joined this government: "I have nothing to offer but blood, toil, tears and sweat." We have before us an ordeal of the most grievous kind. We have before us many, many long months of struggle and of suffering. You ask, what is our policy? I will say: It is to wage war, by sea, land and air, with all our might and with all the strength that God can give us; to wage war against a monstrous tyranny, never surpassed in the dark and lamentable catalogue of human crime. That is our policy. You ask, what is our aim? I can answer in one word: victory. Victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror, victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival. Let that be realised; no survival for the British Empire, no survival for all that the British Empire has stood for, no survival for the urge and impulse of the ages, that mankind will move forward towards its goal. But I take up my task with buoyancy and hope. I feel sure that our cause will not be suffered to fail among men. At this time I feel entitled to claim the aid of all, and I say, "Come then, let us go forward together with our united strength."
Речи, посвященные отношениям с СССР
Вечером 22 июня 1941 года Черчилль произнес по радио речь, посвященную нападению Германии на СССР. Он подчеркнул, что не отрекается от своей негативной оценки коммунизма, но считает Гитлера главным общим врагом, и потому от имени Великобритании пообещал СССР всемерную помощь и поддержку:
Нацистский режим неотличим от худших черт коммунизма. Он лишён каких-либо принципов и основ, кроме ненавистного аппетита к расовому доминированию. Он изощрён во всех формах человеческой злобы, в эффективной жестокости и свирепой агрессии. За последние 25 лет никто не был более последовательным противником коммунизма, чем я. Я не возьму обратно ни одного слова, которое я сказал о нём. Но всё бледнеет перед развертывающимся сейчас зрелищем.
Прошлое, с его преступлениями, безумствами и трагедиями, отступает. Я вижу русских солдат, стоящих на пороге своей родной земли, охраняющих поля, которые их отцы обрабатывали с незапамятных времен. Я вижу их охраняющими свои дома; их матери и жёны молятся — о, да — потому что в такое время все молятся о сохранении своих любимых, о возвращении кормильца, покровителя и защитника. (…) У нас лишь одна-единственная неизменная цель. Мы полны решимости уничтожить Гитлера и все следы нацистского режима. Ничто не сможет отвратить нас от этого, ничто. Мы никогда не станем договариваться, мы никогда не вступим в переговоры с Гитлером или с кем-либо из его шайки. Мы будем сражаться с ним на суше, мы будем сражаться с ним на море, мы будем сражаться с ним в воздухе, пока с Божьей помощью не избавим землю от самой тени его и не освободим народы от его ига. Любой человек или государство, которые борются против нацизма, получат нашу помощь. Любой человек или государство, которые идут с Гитлером — наши враги. (…) Поэтому опасность, угрожающая России, — это опасность, грозящая нам и Соединенным Штатам, точно так же как дело каждого русского, сражающегося за свой очаг и дом, — это дело свободных людей и свободных народов во всех уголках земного шара.
Широкую известность получила также Фултонская речь (Sinews of Peace), произнесённая 5 марта 1946 года в Вестминстерском колледже Фултона(Миссури). Речь посвящена обоснованию необходимости союза англосаксонских стран для борьбы с советско-коммунистической экспансией. Ключевым в этой речи является пассаж о «железном занавесе», характеризующий сложившуюся после войны ситуацию:
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. (...) From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Черчилль о Сталине
Личный секретарь Черчилля Колвилл сообщает, что 21 июня 1941 года, говоря с шефом о предстоящей советско-германской войне, он задал Черчиллю вопрос: как совместить его готовность помогать СССР с его антикоммунизмом? На это последовал знаменитый ответ:
I have only one purpose, the destruction of Hitler, and my life is much simplified thereby. If Hitler invaded Hell I would make at least a favourable reference to the devil in the House of Commons.
It is very fortunate for Russia in her agony to have this great rugged war chief at her head. He is a man of massive outstanding personality, suited to the sombre and stormy times in wich his life has been cast; a man of inexhaustible courage and will-power and a man direct and even blunt in speech … Above all, he is a man with that saving sense of humour which is of high importance to all men and all nations, but particularly to great men and great nations. Stalin also left upon me the impression of a deep, cool wisdom and complete absence of illusions of any kind. I believe I made him feel that we were good and faithful comrades in this war — but this, after all, is a matter which deeds not words will prove.
Ричард Лангворт, историк и в прошлом президент лондонского Центра Черчилля, отмечает, что в целом отношение Черчилля к Сталину было резко негативным: «Черчилль понял правду о Сталине задолго до 1953 г. Он действительно говорил похвальные вещи о Сталине во время войны, особенно в 1942 г. — но ситуация тогда была иной»
Stalin was for many years Dictator of Russia and the more I have studied his career the more I am shocked by the terrible mistakes he made and the utter ruthlessness he showed to men and masses with whom he acted. Stalin was our ally against Hitler when Russia was invaded but when Hitler was destroyed Stalin made himself our principal object of dread. After our joint victory became certain his conduct divided the world again. He seemed to be carried away by his dream of world domination. He actually reduced a third of Europe to a Soviet satellite condition under compulsory communism. These were heartbreaking events after all we have gone through. But a year ago Stalin died - that is certain - and ever since that event I have cherished the hope that there's new outlook in Russia, a new hope of peaceful co-existence with the Russian nation and that it is our duty patiently and daringly to make sure whether there is such a chance or not.
В своих мемуарах Черчилль пишет:
Сейчас нам предстоит вскрыть ошибочность и тщетность хладнокровных расчётов Советского правительства и колоссальной коммунистической машины и их поразительное незнание собственного положения. Они проявили полное безразличие к участи западных держав, хотя это означало уничтожение того самого второго фронта, открытия которого им суждено было вскоре требовать. Они, казалось, и не подозревали, что Гитлер уже более шести месяцев назад принял решение уничтожить их. Если же их разведка поставила их в известность о переброске на Восток огромных германских сил, усиливавшейся с каждым днем, то они упустили многие необходимые шаги, которые следовало предпринять при этих обстоятельствах… …Война — это по преимуществу список ошибок, но история вряд ли знает ошибку, равную той, которую допустили Сталин и коммунистические вожди, когда они отбросили все возможности на Балканах и лениво выжидали надвигавшегося на Россию нападения или были неспособны понять что их ждет. До тех пор мы считали их расчётливыми эгоистами. В этот период они оказались к тому же простаками. Сила, масса, мужество и выносливость матушки России ещё должны были быть брошены на весы. Но если брать за критерий стратегию, политику, прозорливость и компетентность, то Сталин и его комиссары показали себя в тот момент Второй мировой войны совершенно недальновидными.